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Classroom
on the Quad
Welcome and Introductions
Bruce Knauft, Faculty Council
Jim
Grimsley, Faculty Council
Purvi
Patel, College Council
Donna
Wong, Campus Life
Iraq:
The Challenge of Responsibility
Rick Doner, Political Science
Weapons
of Mass Destruction and U.S. Foreign Policy
Dan Reiter, Political Science
A
Call to Words
Asanka Pathiraja, Foreign Policy Exchange
Hearing
in Eqanimity: Deciding Your Path
Bobbi Patterson, Religion
The
Necessity of War with Iraq
Bob Bartlett, Political Science
The
Humanitarian Cost of War
Laurie Patton, Religion
A
Man of Honor: The President's Noble Vision
Daniel Hauck, College Republicans
Women:
War and Peace
Lili Baxter, Women's Studies
The
Morality of War
James Tarter, Students for War Against Terrorism
Speak
Up or Get Out
Erin Harte, Young Democrats
War
Does Not Resolve Conflict, War Is Conflict
Mark Goodale, Anthropology
A
War of Liberation
Frank Lechner, Sociology
A
Call to Consciousness, A Litany of Questions
Juana Clem McGhee, Institute for Comparative and International Studies
Student
Activism: Ways to Be Involved
Erik Fyfe and Rachael Spiewak, Emory Peace Coalition
Cross-Cultural
Communication: U.S. and Iraq
Devin Stewart, Middle Eastern and South Asian Studies
The
U.S. Has Never Been Alone in the World
William Chace, University President
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At
long last, the liberation of Iraq is under way.
This liberation is part of a larger struggle for freedom, a struggle
that can unite war opponents and supporters.
Everyone who values freedom welcomes the end of Saddam Hussein’s
brutal regime, which itself turned into a weapon of mass destruction
as it fed people into shredders, tortured Olympic athletes, raped
women in front of their husbands, gassed the Kurds, polluted the
Gulf, devastated Kuwait, and killed more Muslims than any other
in history.
As they gain freedom from fear, of Saddam and of us, Iraqis will
soon have a chance to build a more liberal society with a more decent
government. Many say it cannot be done. They say that Iraq is too
violent and too divided, that Arabs are not fit for democracy. Maybe
so. But with our help, Iraqis can prove the contempt of the cynics
wrong, by turning the Republic of Fear into a beacon of hope.
For the Middle East, the liberation of Iraq must be the beginning
of a larger transformation. For too long, the region has been shackled
by political oppression and religious obsessions. It has turned
a history of failure into the politics of resentment. No wonder
that some expect a “clash of civilizations,” as if “they”
are all fundamentalist Muslims arrayed against a godless West, trying
to slay the Great Satan. Doesn’t 9/11 prove their point? Doesn’t
this war intensify the clash? No. The liberation of Iraq is a pre-emptive
strike in the supposed clash of civilizations. It shows that there
is no future in fundamentalism, and that there is no unbridgeable
gulf between “them” and “us.” It assumes
that Muslims, too, aspire to freedom.
In the aftermath of war, let us make common cause with Iranian students
protesting clerical rule, with Saudi women who want to drive to
go shopping, with Egyptian sociologists advocating human rights,
with Palestinian teenagers who wish to study math rather than terror.
But, you might ask, how can an illegitimate, costly, imperial, unjust
war promote freedom?
Only approval from the Security Council, you might claim, can make
American action “legitimate.” Yet when the Council,
no liberal institution, subverts its own disarmament demands, when
France and Russia abuse their position to contain America rather
than achieve collective security, the legitimacy of the Council
itself is in question. Legitimacy does not flow from the approval
of adversaries but from the purposes America pursues. The cause
of freedom justifies itself.
War creates a “quagmire,” a “humanitarian disaster,”
and “blowback,” say other worried opponents. With all
due respect, we’ve heard that before. Such expectations were
wrong in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan, and they are wrong yet
again -- unless Saddam commits still more war crimes and crimes
against humanity.
Instead of making war, say dovish experts, we should “deter”
and “contain.” But deterrence is second-best to defeating
a dictator, and rather than consign Iraqis to the cruelty of containment,
we should fight for their freedom.
But don’t we defeat ourselves, you might object, if in the
guise of liberation we actually build an “empire”? If
this is empire, it’s empire lite, one that sets up former
foes, like Germany and Japan, as rivals, ships humanitarian aid
before a war is over, and is eager to go home once that is done.
No, George Bush is not Julius Caesar with JDAMs. In fact, the danger
is not that Uncle Sam will take control; the danger is that Yankee
will go home too soon.
Some well-known advocates of human rights have claimed that this
is not a “just war.” Yet after years of sanctions and
inspections and resolutions, this is a carefully tailored last resort.
If we ask how we can free Iraq, if we ask the right question, then
war is the answer.
Some are seduced by the wishful thought that the alternative to
war is “peace.” As long as a dictator tortures and murders
his subjects, we can have no peace. In Iraq, real peace will come
not with a wave of my daughter’s Harry Potter wand, but from
the pain of a hard-fought war and the flourishing of a free society.
The liberation of Iraq liberates America and the world from the
fear of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction. But Iraq has
not attacked us, you might say, why should we attack it? The very
possession of terror weapons by outlaw regimes constitutes a threat.
Any response to their use comes too late. As long as tools of terror
are in the hands of tyrants, no one can be truly free. Kim Jong
Il, take note.
The struggle for freedom requires that America, with its allies,
seek security in change, serving its interests by advancing its
values, using force, if necessary, as prelude to creating more liberal
societies, the only basis for a lasting peace.
Iraq is just the beginning. The struggle will be long and hard.
But freedom, for others and for us, is worth it.
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