Edward Schieffelin has written an intriguing book that elucidates the lives of the Kaluli people in Paupa New Guinea (1). They have a society based upon a principle in cultural anthropology termed reciprocity, meaning that people in this society feel an obligation to both give and receive. Food is no exception to this rule. The giving and sharing of food carries great significance in defining relationships: "[It] represents the general mode of establishing or adjusting relationships among all people--friends and kinsmen... [it] does not merely express a social relationship; it validates and develops it." Additionally, "the giving and sharing of food among the Kaluli communicates sentiment; it conveys affection, familiarity, and good will" (1). Formal relationships, such as those between a host and his or her guest, are based upon the giving and receiving of food. This is most evident during formal occasions such as ceremonies. At these times, hosts will prepare and serve food to guests as part of a welcoming gesture. Hosts, even if they are hungry, will not eat the same food as that given to the guests for two main reasons: first, this is a sign of respect toward the guest. Second, and more importantly, the giving of food is a sign of the distance between the host and the guest (1). The relationship between host and guest is thus understood as distant, thanks to food practices. On the other hand, among the Kaluli food renders the relationship between close friends intimate, signified by the physical sharing of food. When two friends share food, this is in fact the consummation of their relationship. The food they share now carries a special meaning and they often call each other by the name of that particular food (1). Rare delicacies (such as meat) are always shared; they are never eaten without being offered to others, especially among real kinsmen. Within these relationships, food and wealth are shared freely "with some expectation of future reciprocation, but no formal obligation" (1). For example, in our culture, two college roommates that always shared pizza late at night would, in Kaluli culture, shout across campus, "Hello! Pepperoni pizza!" whenever they crossed paths. The intimacy and absence of obligation present in shared food is illustrated most profoundly in the context of marriage. Although marriage is an example of exchange in that it involves trading a woman for some form of payment, this is not the foundation of the actual relationship between the man and the woman (1). Often, if two strangers are married they spend time getting to know one another before engaging in sexual relations. The first step towards intimacy is when "the wife cooks some food and gives it to her husband over the partition and touches his hand." After that, "they make sago [the staple food in the Kaluli diet] together for the first time and begin sexual relations" (1). Clearly, it is the sharing of this experience that symbolizes and indeed initiates their sexual intimacy. Once this closeness has been established, a greater network of marriage ties are formed between the husband and the wife's family by giving meat, especially to the wife's true brothers (1). However, this giving is on a different level than sharing, and appropriately establishes more distant ties. Just as sharing food creates strong ties, food taboos prevent such relationships. There is a very strong belief that if you can't share a person's food, then you cannot relate to him or her. "Food mediates not only different social relationships but also different domains of experience" (1). For example, from the time a boy is a toddler until he is married, he can eat practically any kind of fresh meat he desires. Once he is married, however, he is expected to give up fresh meat and eat only smoked meat, as his wife does. This taboo has two functions. First, it separates the married men from the boys. Second, it establishes a stronger bond between the man and his wife because they share the taboo (1). Kaluli society and their beliefs about food may seem very distant from our society, but in reality, their notions about food are not that different from our own. For example, "Business negotiations are conducted over cocktails and lunch; seductions may begin with champagne and oysters; weddings and birthday parties center around an elaborately decorated cake; and gifts of food are part of the exchange at Christmastime" (2). The same can be said of relationships involving friends. When we invite people into our homes, it is expected fairly often that the guest will be offered food or drink, and it is often considered offensive if our guests do not accept what is offered to them. Many social occasions are spent going to dinner together or meeting for lunch. If one were limited in what he or she could eat, it might even become difficult to establish friendships and find time to spend with newly made friends. Culture, one of the most interesting and phenomenal aspects of human nature, is often defined in terms of the interdependence between people that are not related by blood. It is unique in that culture is made of, made by, and made for people, and that its preservation is often synonymous with the preservation of Homo sapiens and of life as we know it. As prominent anthropologists have noted, "All animals feed, but humans alone eat" (2). Perhaps a more conscious awareness of the importance of eating and of the meanings associated with giving and sharing food can result in a better understanding of who we are, where we have come from, and where we are going.